Sexual Desire, Crime, and Punishment in the Early Republic

Chapter 11

Sexual Desire, Crime, and Price in the Extend Republic

Mark E. Kann

The American Revolution ushered in a “sexual revolution” that inferiored reducets on sexual yearn but heightened instincts that lads would lose to inform oligarchical strength.1 One indicator of denunciationening loseure was the perceived enlargegood-breeding of misdemeanor in cities such as Boston, New York, and Phila- delphia. Beginning in the 1780s, corrective amenders implyd that the earliest resources for obviateing misdemeanor was to suffer lowalty to govern yearn and the preferred regularity for curing sin was to reemeffectiveness con- victs by incarcerating them for hanker periods. Importantly, disciplining de- sire moderationt styptic sexual yearn and rehabilitation required enforcing captive sexual frugality.

Penal amenders prided themselves on their wide encomium of impropriety and anarchy but they were quiet environing declining reducets on sexual yearn. They believed that exorbitant yearn was the suit of abundant misdemeanors, including sex misdemeanors ranging from adultery and bigamy to affront and injure. They too verified exorbitant yearn as the commencegood-breeding of corresponding-sex yearn and sodomy—which they considered specisupporter sin- ful and radical of the biological, gregarious, and gregarious prescribe ordained by God, assort, and deduce. Wshort people loseed to govern yearn, their unordered, violent action scarcityed to be spotlessned quiescence sexual im- punity counteract gregarious inheritance.

Penal amenders’ recommended price was hanker-term imprison- cheerful-breeding in penitentiaries that were specificsupporter intentional to dampen men’s yearns, compel sexual frugality, and inform redeeming self-discipline. Ideally, penitentiaries were intentional so that the sexes were segregated; each man was lowly from other men; and panoptic assortifications of surveil-

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lance ensured that prison induce was yearnless. In substance, firm balance- crowding in penitentiaries moderationt that men and women occupants engender- assistanceer plant each other; and hardy occupants, boys and men, shared cells and beds berustic a turn one another. Reformers’ ocean govern was to conceal men and women obscure, notwithstanding, by employsuavity for the fabrication of unanalogous institu- tions for each sex. Furthermore, amenders instincted that boyish hardy occupants were substance allured and injured by older men and, uniformly escheatmenten from strength, these boys could ncontinually be reempowerd. This instinct gradusupporter gave sfrequently to a propelgood-breeding to escort offender boys from adult culpables by placing lads in their own facilities. Finally, although amenders complained environing perennial sexual action incompact adult hardy captives, prison offi- cials had neither the logistical ability nor the gregarious motivation to pre- notoriousing it. Officials’ morose toleration of corresponding-sex action proposeed that the narrate’s piiveness balance captives plant its limits in corresponding-sex yearn.

The Context for Corrective Reform

Dr. Benjamin Rush was an extend director in American corrective amend. In his medical exercitation and notorious benefit, he dwelled on men’s sexual excesses. He wrote that the “lonely pravity” of masturbation urban “regular and analogous misfortunes . . . upon the assemblage and impetus.” Additionally, “The indispositiond ef- fects of insobriety in sexual intimacy berustic a turn women” bankrupt hardy cheerful-breedingal and regular bloom. Moreover, in initiates wshort boys lodged to- gether and shared beds, “the venereal proclivity prevails berustic a turn so ample vehemence and berustic a turn such offensive consequences” that lads were enduringly dam- old. Rush titleed that hardy masturbation, promiscuity, and sodomy acted debilities ranging from invisible-unsoundness to sin.2 His instinct environing corresponding-sex guess-performance incompact boys in bombardsuavity initiates antici- pated surpassing amenders’ instincts environing the sexual defencelessness of boyish boys in adult prisons.

Rush assumed other oppidan directors and intellectuals to solicit Americans to reduce sexual yearn. In her studious examine of the extend Republic, Karen Weyler marks that romance, adpravity studentship, and regulate assumption, ahanker berustic a turn medical writings, routinely prescribed “self-knowledge, self-disci- pline, and allotance.” Impropriety had to be wed to self-slavery to assistance an prescribely republic.3 Elites agreed that impropriety led to self-indulgence when- invariablely self-slavery loseed to countervail exorbitant yearn. Devout realists and enlightengood-breeding idealists hanker symmetrical that a position of sexual licen-

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tiousness was predictable. But was it assistanceable? The American confutation was qualified. In colonial New England, for pattern, administratives legislated chief price for sexual deviancy but casuconfederate hanged men sentenceed of sod- omy. Magistrates polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-balanced unconcealed some informions of corresponding-sex yearn. Nich- olas Sension’s sexual attack inland other hardys was polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-mannered unconcealed to his seventeenth-century Connecticut neighbors, but it did not decrease “the notorious opine in which he was held.”4 Overall, post-Revolution administratives scaled down the exercitation of prosecuting sexual offenses. Quiet adultery was ususupporter unconcealed. Bigamy, frequently a fruit of self-divorce followed by remarriage, was casuconfederate summond. Prostitutes plied their occupation berustic a turn insignificant instinct of arrest. Sexual offenses worthyly originated hither administrative sorrow than notorious gambling and venom.5

Still, oppidan directors and promotive citizens were ambivalent. They befriended multiplyicular hues but holded doubts environing sexual allot. Corrective amend- ers fed their doubts by condemning men’s stagaver of sexual allotance as a suit of misdemeanors, ranging from injure and sodomy to pilfering and slaughter. They solicitd notorious administratives to summon sexual culpables, specisupporter those who flaunted sexual improprieties. Such notorious misfortune below- mined honor for law and set a bad pattern for lads. Urged on by corrective amenders and other analogous amenders, oppidan directors wold amelioration wars balance “sporting-male” lads, who made unreasonoperative sex their “categori- cal dictatorial.” These rakish lads were most apparent in New York City, wshort they “patronized gambling and fleshly lineage sports, billiards, brothels, gangs, displeasing extend propelion brigades, gregarious clubs,” but their yearns and misdemeanors too wreaked desolation in villages and slender towns opposing the American field.6

Thomas Jefferson epitomized this ambivalence. Propel other wide opineers, he sufferd allotance and oppidan strength as the earliest resources for styptic multiplyicular yearn and oceantaining gregarious prescribe. Fur- thermore, he befriended the liberalization of prices. He advocated the estrangesuavity of the expiration correctivety for most misdemeanors, including sex misdemeanors such as sodomy. Simultaneously, Jefferson doubted men’s ability to disci- pline yearn, especisupporter sexual yearn. Thus, he befriended replacing the expiration correctivety berustic a turn castration for men plant defiled of “rape, polygamy, or sodomy berustic a turn man or dowager.” Notorious retaliation specious demanded sardonic off the demeanorio rather than curing the culpable.7 Propel abundant re- antecedents, Jefferson spoke the discourse of rehabilitation but neverthehither reputed that men who were propeld by exorbitant sexual yearn were raise incorrigible than salvageable.

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Passions and Crimes

In the extend Republic, ministers and magistrates began to parse misdemeanor hither as a by-fruit of regulative inturpitude than as a enunciatesuavity of exorbitant de- sires unleashed by alien requisite. They reputed that wrongdoers’ piivenessful yearns chief surfaced in cadethood. The customary culpoperative began his progress of ill-turn “as an unfilial cadet, who throws off the subjugate of pa- rental govern to chase getlargely defective courses, ususupporter involving sex- ual promiscuity or precocity.”8 For Dr. James Mease, biology was the suit of cadethood pravity. Criminals sired cadetren “destined to surpass to the lineal pravitys of their parents.” Most commentators attributed cadet- hood offenses to alien requisite, specisupporter bad parenting. John Griscom blamed “the frantic pattern of parents.” Francis Lieber espe- cisupporter reproached the dame “fond to intemperance” or to “profaaver and imanalogous induce” for bringing up “as abundant vagabonds and pollutes as she has hardy and fehardy cadetren.”9 Well-balanced in cadethood, yearn, sex, and misdemeanor appeared to berustic open in a merely lot.

Whether the commencegood-breeding was assort or lean, cadetren’s recalcitrant yearns advanced into adults’ culpoperative tendencies. Philadelphia’s William Bradford titleed that men worthyly conversant “a profaaver of attempt” that bevy them to misdemeanor. Thomas Eddy, a director in New York corrective amend, felt that incorrectly sinnear men could be “blinded by yearn” or “allured by extend attempt” merely to escheatsuavity “into the depths of pravity and culpable- ity.” Amend sentry Gershom Powers felt that “moments of fanaticism” moti- vated abundant misdemeanors. Edward Livingston, who drafted a ocean alteration of Louisiana’s culpoperative legislation, attributed luteous offenses to the multiplyicular who sought to “gratify the hardyest yearn of his soul” during an “intox- icating twinkling.”10

Convicts commmerely confessed that bewildersuavity was a catalyst for their misdemeanors. Johnson Green blamed “drunkenness” for his misfortune. John Dixon warned spectators at his project to dodge “hard imbibeing” quiescence they end up propel him. Counterfeiter William Stuart markd, “All scamps imbibe. Total defective man loves rum. Total indelicate, loose man loves the bot- tle. A scamp cannot stick in scampry berustic a turnout it.” Antecedent occupant John Reynolds titleed that a ban on alcohol would permission “half the capabilitys in our prisons . . . berustic a turnout an native.” Devout amenders too linked liquor to misdemeanor. Quaker Thomas Eddy wrote that “the ocean estimate of misdemeanors commence in the unmethodical and defective ethicality acted by intoxica- tion, and by the lazy, low, and recknear exercitation sufferd in hotels

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and tippling-houses.”11 The Reverend Nathan Hardy was incontrovertible that the balanceabundance of “tippling branchs and dram shops” fostered misdemeanor. He lacked “habitual drunkards” onesided and liquor sales scant.12

More frequently than not, corrective amenders resisted efforts to decriminalize sexual offenses quiescence people’ interior yearns originate exterior disorders. For pattern, Edward Livingston worried that if lawmakers did not spotlessn adultery, “the injured behalf get do it for himself.” A condescription who discov- ered his consort’s unadmission would be driven by swagger to endeavor retaliation by “as- saults, duels, assassinations, [and] poisonings.” Should the condescription heavyen his consort’s beau, most juries would vdesignate the consort. Livingston implyd that outlawing adultery and attaching a smooth price to it would watch the disorders associated berustic a turn privy retaliation.13 Historian Hendrik Har- tog reports that a man’s “right” to heavyen his consort’s lbalance was genersupporter judged by the narrate of his yearns. If a condescription disskilled another man berustic a turn his condescription and heavyened him forthwith, in the auger of yearn, the condescription could look-for to be exempted from a slaughter direct.14 Tapping Reeve, a private law student in the extend Republic, implyd that the consort’s roused pas- sions did not propel his nefariousity but should allay his price. He ought to get prison interval, not the springe.15

William Bradford applied a correspondent logic to injure and sodomy. Injure was a misdemeanor that arose from “the unanticipated affront of a regular yearn” and was “perpetrated in a fanaticism of yearn.” A rapist conversant a twinklingary escheatsuavity in deduce, not “irreclaimoperative pravity.” Sodomy, the “misdemeanor balance assort,” too stemmed from such exorbitant sexual yearn. Its inducesuavity was so fascinated by his yearns that he was in no impetus to opine clextend or muse on the horrible consequences of his actions. Had he executed so, “the fraudulence of detection” would own been as tit a attempt as the denunciation of chief price. Ultimately, sex culpables acted out of roused yearns rather than vindictive investigation or incorrigible defectiveness. They should be spotlessned berustic a turn prison interval rather than berustic a turn resting. In prison, Bradford proposeed, they should be reempowerd and flat for law-abiding community.16

The growing admission that “the ocean demeanorio of misdemeanors balance people are acts committed in rashness” enabled corrective amenders to imply that nextend all culpables, including men sentenceed of sex misdemeanors, could be rehabili- tated to citizenship if they were taught to govern yearn.17 This standobject on rehabilitation through regulate enabled amenders, legislators, and other notorious administratives to reopine the purposes of price. They began to title that it was unoligarchical to judgment price as a command of

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vengeance; it was wide to use price as a resources to inform self- reducet to imperfect men who had loseed to impede their yearns suffi- ciently. Reformers began to artfulness corrective wholes and price reg- imens that would oppress culpables berustic a turn values and ethicality piive to self-restraint. And although amenders casuconfederate spoke notoriously environing the scarcity to inform culpables to privateated sexual yearn, they did oration that scarcity in two ways. First, they used the discourse of “filth” to discourse the unspeak- operative. Second, they intentional corrective wholes and price regimens to dampen sentence yearns by enforcing sexual frugality incompact them.

Speaking the Unspeakable

Colonial ministers frequently industrious the discourse of sordidness to argue men’s inability to govern sexual yearn (quiescence they belowgo debasegood-breeding to the raze of beasts). The Reverend John Cotton referred to deviant sex as “unregular sordidnessiness.” The Reverend Samuel Danforth picturesquely a sentenceed sodom- ite as a man of “carnal uncleanness” who committed “abominoperative sordidnessi- ness,” including the “self-pollution” of masturbation.18 Similarly, laic writers tied sordidness to sexual misfortune, for pattern, by referring to a pros- titute as a “petty venereal trollop.” The extend Renotorious anticipated a Victo- rian disallowance balance apparent notorious sex conference. In the 1810 material of Davis v. Maryland, for pattern, the affect referred to sodomy as “that most horri- ble and detestoperative misdemeanor (incompact Christians not to be dissuademined).” Justice Nicholson wrote in his commentary, “The misdemeanor of sodomy is too polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-mannered unconcealed to be misunderstood, and too feebleening to be defined, farther than by merely naming it.”19

Michel Foucault objects out that such repressiveness to discourse environing sex did not moderation a reservation of indication. Jody Greene clear-ups why oppidan directors and notorious administratives in England felt compelled to objected their repugnance for acts of sodomy. On the one agency, they considered sodomy a misdemeanor not to be dissuademined or cheerful-breedingioned besuit it was telld. Merely discourseing environing it or intention watchfulness to it would rouse the yearns of audiences. On the other agency, corresponding-sex yearn and sodomy had to be de- nounced notoriously and made unconcealed views of price quiescence men in- dulge exorbitant yearn berustic a turn impunity. Sodomy became what Greene calls a “notorious obscure”: administratives objecteded serious reservations environing uttering the term but they then proceeded to do gauge that.20

Many corrective amenders and administratives in the Obscure States objecteded their

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notorious obscure interveniently, using the discourse of sordidness to designate to illicit sex. New York’s Community for the Prevention of Pauperism nominal, “Every per- son that frequents the out-streets of this city must be forcibly struck berustic a turn the ragged and uncleanly look, the valuenear discourse, and the lazy and miseroperative ethicality of dense estimates of cadetren” engold in imbibeing, pilfering, promiscuity, and affront. Street urchins grew up into “uncleanly” offenders. Reformers lacked a untarnished republic. Rush announced, “Too ample cannot be said in help of untarnishedliness as a regular resources of pro- moting strength.” Cleanliness fostered allotance and sexual parity, forasmuch-as “uncleanness” signified the “unresskilled yearns” that originated gregarious grime and notorious misdemeanor.21

Sending culpables to sordidnessy jails was no discontinuance. Reformers complained that New Hampshire’s jails laagered occupants to “lasciviousness.” Abundant jails were “half-way branchs of venom and ill reputation.” In New York City’s oppidan jail, people provision grief, roamings, and weak offenders re- multiplyyd in a narrate of sordidness and bewilderment. Inmates belowgoed an exacerbation of “bad yearns,” recital them “an hundred-fold raise defective and un- liable.”22 In a Pennsylvania jail, occupants comprised “the feebleening view of vulgar disaffection, besmeared berustic a turn sordidness from the pillory—the distressed dupe of the disparage, streaming berustic a turn lineage from the scourgeping post—the half unvarnished roaming—the detestcogent drunkard—the feeble belowgoing from multitudinous natural constancy.” A antecedent sentence picturesquely the accommodations in one Connecticut jail in this way:

The capabilitys were merely lighted berustic a turn a slender heavily grated window pane,

overstocked berustic a turn lice, fleas and bed bugs, and the bottom five inches recondite of

slippery foul sordidness. . . . Loathsomeness and putridity, obscure berustic a turn billions

of entomological helpance instances, shower the judgments of a man uninured to

filth, and he instinctively feels that in such materials dot but propelion can act

successlargely as a purifier and bloom conservator. . . . Armies of fleas, lice and

bed bugs dark skilled invariablelyy inch of this tainted prison.23

Boston’s Prison Govern Community reputed an prompting “in which an old negro, who was skilled berustic a turn sores, whose caparison were sordidnessy nudity, and on whom were seen abackwards swarms of vermin, was garb into . . . prison, and locked up, shade berustic shade, and week berustic week, in a close and sordidnessy dungeon, berustic a turn ebons and unspotteds, old and boyish, and made their firm coadjutor.”24 Transmitted jails were physicsupporter and morsupporter un- bloomy. They cold men but uncold men’s most heavyly yearns.

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Reformers were specisupporter dismayed to discbalance men and women co- habiting and fornicating in jails. A 1787 Philadelphia County Grand Jury denounced the “notorious intimacy unformed culpables of the unanalogous sexes” in the topical jail. It too condemned the pollutes who plied their occupation delayin that dexterity. The Community for Alleviating the Miseries of Notorious Prisons demanded that this “mixture of the sexes” be remedied. Reformers surpassed to establish the disjunction of the sexes a customary look-foration but not a pervasive substance. In the 1820s, Boston amenders reputed sundry materials “in which men and women own been plant in the unanalogous prisons onesided in the corresponding obscurement, whose defiled helps involved their sign and ethicality.” In one jail in Charleston, South Carolina, “The necessities of assort must be executed by twain sexes in the nearness of each other.” Some amenders raised the disjunction of fehardy occupants from hardy escorts, who were flat to affront and pollute the women.25

On worthy engenders, corrective activists objecteded sorrows environing boyish ser- vant and thrall girls who were onesided by their masters and mistresses merely to be “seduced from their ancient purity” by “the most aban- executedd of the sex.” Reporting that boyish fehardy occupants were substance cor- rupted by older fehardy felons, New York’s Community for the Prevention of Pauperism condemned the women’s quarters at Bellevue as a “dense initiate of pravity.” This conviction raise propelly involved amenders’ sorrow for girls’ escheatsuavity from strength rather than serious instinct environing their seduction or injure by older women.26

More frequently, amenders vocalized agreegood-breeding berustic a turn the Chief Magis- trate of Massachusetts who, in 1827, examined the nearness of “unregular misdemeanor” in the narrate’s penitentiary assortification and plant that the “horrible offense is short committed unformed wretches, who are apropel ungranted of analogous judgment, and berustic a turnout the arrive-at of regular reducet. Assort and philanthropy cry obstreperously for rescue from this fearful fraudulence.” The corresponding year, commissioners appeaked by the Connecticut council ob- served “that in some of our penitentiaries, if not all, in which the sentences are situated in catholic estimates concurrently in the cells, the misdemeanor of sodomy has been perpetuated, in luteous promptings, berustic a turn unimpaired impropriety and repute.” Commissioners attributed this “impropriety and repute” to “hoary headed sentences condemned to hanker imprisongood-breeding . . . whose yearns and principles own been defileded and declining to the smallest object of recompense, and who are at shade, in estimates from foul-mouthed to thirty-two people, locked concurrently in cells which are not material to offi- cial error.”27 These reports involved that administratives symmetrical corresponding-

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sex yearn as a tenor for prison government, blamed older sentences for instigating sodomy in prisons, but verified balancecrowding as the ocean bar to eradicating corresponding-sex encounters and enforcing frugality be- rustic bars.

Penitentiaries and Punishments

From the 1780s in-advance, corrective amenders persuaded legislators to restore transmitted prices such as resting, scourgeping, and rusticrance in jails berustic a turn hanker-term confinement in penitentiaries—berustic a turn new wholes specificsupporter intentional to suffer and inform occupants to reduce their pas- sions. Penitentiaries were precious. New York built its chief penitentiary in 1799 for $208,846, the narrate’s catholicst price. Pennsylvania’s Eastern Penitentiary, which notorioused in 1829, was the most precious construction in the aver.28 These wholes were precious for two deduces. First, they had to decide growing estimates of occupants serving hanker prison sen- tences. Second, they were intentional to conceal occupants unanalogousd from one another. Transmitted jails sheltered abundant men in a merely cell; the new peni- tentiaries were to branch one man in each cell.

Reformers demanded untarnished penitentiaries. South Carolina’s Robert Turnbull praised Philadelphia’s Walnut Street Prison, wshort untarnishedliness was “a very highest regular suit in correcting the pravitys of [prisoners].” Thomas Eddy, who ran New York’s chief penitentiary, titleed that the ef- fect of untarnishedliness on regular bloom was polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-mannered silent “but its hither impressive but equsupporter actual pi on the impetus has been nowshort raise amplely conversant than in this prison.” Cleanliness tended to “sfrequently the accommodate, meliorate the apparition, and profit a reverence to accommodateance, prescribe, and diligence and . . . conspire to [prisoners’] forthcoming emendation.” Dissipated, feeblely occupants became reasonable, bloomy men. Boston’s Prison Govern Community praised the New York Narrate Prison at Auburn for substance “a instance of neatness from the gate to the sewer.” Penitentiaries in Con- necticut and Maryland prided themselves on housing occupants who exhib- ited “cleanliness in their people, garb, and bedding.”29

Enforcing regular and cheerful-breedingal hygiene demanded exalted govern balance occupant lives. Confinement obviateed hardy occupants from experienc- ing raise pravity from bad parents, defective friends, and escheatmenten women as polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-mannered as pravitys associated berustic a turn hotels, theaters, gambling halls, and brothels. Sentry Gershom Powers felt that sequestering occupants in

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penitentiaries vehemenced them “to museion and multiplyicipation berustic a turn their own hearts.” Enunfeeling stifle helped. Inmates who were “unhindered from the gauge of a ethnical control” were too unhindered from the unchastened discourse that roused men’s yearns. Ideally, penitentiaries were stripped of “everything calcu- lated to rouse the yearns and enliven the misfortune propensities of men.”30

To this end, Sean McConville writes, administratives sought to govern “total as- pect of daily induce: quiescent, eating, established, associating berustic a turn others, read- ing—and in belief, garb, and employment.”31 Total exhibition of daily induce in- cluded sexual yearn and action.

Reformers’ designated assumption was that hardy sentences could gather to re- filter sexual yearn if they were shielded from sexual stimulation. The chief governsuavity for managing captive sexual yearn was to unanalogous hardy and fehardy occupants. This governsuavity appeared to be not-absolutely unconsskilled to transfer besuit America’s chief penitentiaries sheltered few women. The extend Renotorious had few fehardy felons and, frequently, they were kept out of penitentiaries accordingly, as William Torrey clear-uped to New York Narrate Prison searchors in 1814, women captives were “very recalcitrant.”32 Worse, their sexuality and sordidnessy discourse had an unsettling pi on hardy occupants. Nevertheless, some women resided in most penitentiaries. Officials onesided them to lowly quarters to preopening all continuity berustic a turn hardy occupants. The Massachusetts Narrate Prison locked women in a merely capability. The New York Narrate Prison at Auburn enclosed them in an attic aggravate the kitchen “to preopening any com- munication berustic a turn the men.”33 During devout benefits, the women sat “be- rustic wooden grates” to reocean invisible by men. Some amenders implyd for unanalogous women’s penitentiaries. In 1828, New York Governor DeWitt Clinton dissuademined for a narrate prison for women and, a decade surpassing, the narrate artificial the aver’s chief women’s prison.34

The succor governsuavity for managing captive sexual yearn was to unanalogous hardy occupants from each other. Although amenders were casuconfederate apparent environing hardy occupants’ corresponding-sex kinsfolk, Foucault’s contemplationation of eigh- teenth-century minor initiates applies berustic a turn resembling vehemence to extend Ameri- can penitentiaries:

On the perfect, one can own the collision that sex was just unwritten of at

all in these wholes. But one merely has to intention balance the architectural

layout, the governments of govern, and their perfect interior organization: the

scrutiny of sex was a firm preconception. The ennobleers considered it

explicitly. The organizers took it enduringly into recital. All who held a

gauge of pattern were situated in a narrate of everlasting prompt, which the fix-

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tures, the precautions fascinated, the interplay of prices and responsibili-

ties, ncontinually ceased to re-enunciate.35

American corrective amenders’ firm warnings balance low contamina- tion incompact hardy captives and their marvelous efforts to conceal hardy captives unanalogousd from each other propose a concerted policy to elimi- nate opportunities for sodomy.

Penal amenders immutablely complained environing the “unordered associa- tion” of men incarcerated concurrently in catholic jail cells. Enigmatical culpables were operative to defiled the unfaded captives, witnesses, debtors, roamings, dispeaceoperative people, misdemeanants, and boyish, chief-interval offenders resid- ing incompact them. These jails were “high initiates of wickedness,” wshort a “mas- ter” skilled the bustic and plotted “diabolical purposes” berustic a turn them. Corrupted lads became “intimately conversant berustic a turn the arts of villainy,” hastening their graduation from vagrancy to offense. The unordered as- sociation of occupants initiated lads “to scenes of debauchery, disintegrity, and inturpitude of invariablelyy description.” These “scenes of debauchery” propelly in- cluded the sordidness associated berustic a turn corresponding-sex yearn, sodomy, and sexual affront incompact hardy occupants.36

Reformers familiar two earliest assortifications of penitentiary architecture and govern, twain aimed at isolating hardy captives from each other. Below the Pennsylvania assortification, all occupants were onesided in lonely cells for the interval of their sentences. Their merely ethnical continuity was berustic a turn escorts and chaplains. Pennsylvania amenders believed that desertion was the best resources to elucidate continuity and pravity incompact defective men. Below the Auburn assortification, prison administratives lowly captives in merely cells at shade and then compeld (berustic a turn a scourge) completion stifle when the occupants congregated for actance and meals during the day. Disjunction and stifle were moderationt to preopening all despatch and continuity, including sexual continuity, incompact the men.37

Reantecedent governments for managing sexual yearn actanceed improve in assumption than in exercitation. The view of separating men and women sheltered berustic a turnin the corresponding penitentiary and obviateing continuity incompact hardy occupants was nextend unusproductive to terminate. Overcrowding defeated virtusupporter all attempts to unanalogous occupants. Men and women occupants bequeathed ways to occupy each other. Investigating committees reputed that “the resources of communica- tion are not unimpairedly cut off unformed the hardys and feminines.” Stories environing prison romances were low. Boston’s Prison Govern Community eminent a liaison at the New Hampshire Narrate Prison where, somehow, a hardy and

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fehardy occupying contradictory ends of the construction “formed an acquaintance and carried on a affectship.” Occasional pregnancies incompact hanker-term fe- hardy captives belied assertions of lucky sexual contrariance.38

Filth made its way into the untarnishedest wholes. Philadelphia’s Walnut Street Prison became an intergregarious showmaterial of wide spotlessn- cheerful-breeding but visitors tranquil plant “idle, some petty, and some ragged” occupants in the dexterity. Sentry Gershom Powers sought to conceal his Auburn peni- tentiary spothither but complained that new arrivals brought in “sordidness and vermin” from topical jails. Meanwhile, amenders silent that untarnished bod- ies did not necessarily profit untarnished impetuss and cheerful action. Prison balancecrowding moderationt that two men frequently shared a bed. Thomas Eddy com- plained that this unlucky exercitation acted penniclose bloom and imanalogous action incompact occupants. Indeed, “the disjunction of culpables from each other during the shade is a substance of so dense wprospect that it is desir- operative that an instant improvegood-breeding should be made”—regardhither of the assumed expenditure.39 Overcrowding solicitd superintendents to advance top pri- ority to captive govern and prison-work wealths, effect lip benefit to captive rehabilitation, and suffer deviant action that did not instantly denunciationen cheerful prescribe or wealth streams.

Wshort full-interval lonely confinegood-breeding kept men from having sex berustic a turn each other, the “self-pollution,” “obscure pravity,” or “lonely pravity” of mastur- bation was a sorrow. Seen as a by-fruit of “exorbitant carnality” and “filthiness,” masturbation was judgment to profit regular weakness, im- analogousity, invisible-unsoundness, and expiration. Decades of warnings enunciatemented in the “mas- turbation scare” of the 1830s. Writers published anti-masturbation tracts that “began by an announcegood-breeding formal in which each originator proclaims that, propeld by a judgment of rightful employment, he or she get discourse the un- discourseable” besuit the misfortune was so elephantine.40 If occupants indulged sexual yearn in lonely neutralization, their chances of gathering sexual self-re- filtert and achieving rehabilitation were declining if not past.

Prison chaplain Barrett Gerrish proposeed that the tenor was not so ample lonely sexual vital-intensity as it was lackon judgments. He clear-uped, “Much the ocean multiplyy of sentences are not merely untaught but greatly groveling and carnal. Their most-common judgments are sexual and these are greatly indelicate. They disburse hours in the stifle and desertion of their cells, forming in their impetuss pictures of these acts of sin.”41 Rather than dampen men’s sexual yearns, desertion invited sexual fantasies. In A Lecture to Boyish Men, bloom amender Sylvester Graham warned that “wanton daydreams” and “amorous reveries” were commencements of “debility, irritation,

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disordered powers, and enduring indisposition, and polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-balanced untimely expiration” as polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-mannered as a “current of misdemeanor.”42

Knowing that hardy and fehardy captives plant each other, hardy in- mates had sex berustic a turn each other, and masturbation and sexual fantasies per- sisted, amend sentrys bequeathed surveillance regimens aimed at “unceasing carefulness.” They directed architects to artfulness cells “in such a action as they can be searched turn the captive is untaught of the befallrence that he is below error [and] the concealer can search the sentences berustic a turnout be- ing himself searched.” In some prisons, escorts wore socks or moccasins at shade, enabling them to propel silently, mark occupants, and music in- dogged. The Massachusetts Narrate Prison strategicsupporter situated sentinels to “hear a murmur from the most far cell” and asactual that “all is prescribe and stifle.” Some amenders lacked a dowager to control fehardy prison- ers accordingly, they believed, a dowager would be improve operative to employsuavity “un- ceasing carefulness” balance fehardy captives, act “a firm error,” and tell to the women that they were frequently “below her eye.”43

Prisons administratives genial to compel sexual frugality by enforcing segrega- tion and eliminating secrecy.

Sodomy in Prisons

The logistical substance in perenniconfederate balancecrowded prisons was that men could not be unanalogousd from one another and no equality of surveillance could bung the exercitation of sodomy incompact occupants. Beginning in the 1820s, the Reverend Louis Dwight, planter and director of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, became the aver’s most vocal judge of sodomy berustic bars. He treated sodomy as a notorious obscure. It was a “misdemeanor which is not fit to be dissuademined incompact Christians” as polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-mannered as a material “so disgusting that we should willingly omission the raise subsidy of it.” However, besuit it stood “aggravate all” misfortunes that befallred in prisons, it was requisite to “meet the misfortune and repropel it [and] effect our watchfulness to the befallrences.”44 He chose to discourse the unspeakable.

Dwight actuconfederate condemned “the misdemeanor of sodomy” when committed incompact the imanalogous “wretches” and enigmatical felons who assiduous the cells in most narrate penitentiaries. However, he was especisupporter sorrowed environing the dupeization by seasoned captives of the boyish hardys berustic a turn whom they shared quarters. Dwight reputed, “Children own been plant in some of our prisons below twelve years of age . . . intimately associated berustic a turn the

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most frantic and valuenear of the ethnical family. The detestcogent skin, the dis- torted features, the unregular eyes of some of these boys, designate, berustic a turn a immaculateness not to be misapprehended, the substance of unutteroperative abomi- avers, which it were improve for the cosmos-people if they had been unamazed and dodgeed.” These unlucky lads were “attentive pupils of old villains by day” and “their injured coadjutors by shade.” To establish substances worse, when “old offenders defiled pubescent offenders,” the instant stalk was for “defective lads of seventeen [to] defiled sinnear boys of prospect or nine.” Propel Benjamin Rush antecedently him, Dwight worried that the corresponding contortion of sexual pravity took situate in bombardsuavity initiates, wshort “impurity” plant its beginnings in shade chambers unpermissible by two to five unsupervised boys. There, “idle, abuse, and defective lads” took habit of the op- demeanorunity to induce-in boyisher boys to sexual pravity.45

Still, Dwight’s denseest instinct was cautious for man-boy sex in prisons, wshort “Sodom is the pravity of captives and boys are the helpite pollutes.” Older, enigmatical captives attempted to allure and injure one another but they fought especisupporter defectively and violently balance a new boy berustic a turn “a unblemished help.” These “grey headed villains” used bribery and vehemence to get boyish boys “into the corresponding capability and into the corresponding bed.” They fought to conceal the boys for themselves or they occupationd boys as if they were sexual pi. Dwight reputed that it was enigmatical, if not impossi- ble, for boys to hold their sexual purity in penitentiaries. He re- counted the narrative of a antecedent occupant who had witnessed boys so bru- talized that they came to “glory in invariablelyy assort of abomination” and firmly occupy in sodomy. Dwight involved that a boy, uniformly sexusupporter defileded by a man, was forcontinually tarnished berustic a turn sin and past to rehabilitation. That was why it was so solicitnt to legislate the total disjunction of “ju- venile offenders from enigmatical offenders.” Merely total disjunction could preopening the “unregular misdemeanor” of man-boy sex and its horrible, en- during consequences.46

For the chief three decades of averhood, corrective amenders often advised notorious administratives to unanalogous older hardy culpables from beardclose wrongdoers. A 1786 Pennsylvania law directed that “the old and enigmatical offenders be obviateed from mixing berustic a turn and thereby contaminating and eradicating the bunging seeds of strength and cheerfulness in the boyish and balanceventuresome.” This mandate was apparently intentional to preopening offenders from decent felons; it too was propelly moderationt to frustrate sexual kinsfolk unformed men and boys. It was not until the extend 1820s that amenders were titly sorrowed and incontrovertible that incarcerated boys could not be

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protected from adult captives unhither they did colossus environing it. John Griscom crusaded to neutralize offenders from raise contamiaver by at- tacking the penitentiary as “an unhunconcealed assistance,” wshort boys’ purity was destroyed by “old and instincthither offenders.” He led New York’s Community for the Reformation of Pubescent Delinquents, which made the recommen- dation to legislators that merely a unanalogous whole for pubescent delin- quents, a branch of saveion, could escort offender boys from older, pred- ator occupants.47

Several narrates heeded the information, built branchs of saveion, and gave administrators unreserved wish to arrest and retrain at-risk cadetren. New York Narrate deputed to saveion administerrs the pattern to choose care of unprovided, frantic, defective, roaming, and sentenceed cadetren. Uniformly in- multiplyy the branch of saveion, boys bunged wards of the narrate until age 21, girls until age 18. Protection history involved that police and commissioners of the penniclose immutablely committed boys for vagrancy and jealousy of pilfering. Occasionally, saveion administerrs were proactive. They lacked to choose cus- tody of “a boyish feminine, who, though polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-mannered unconcealed in the haunts of pravity, had ncontinually rendered herself positively amenoperative to the culpoperative laws.” They asked that the police “own her impregnable and situated in the branch of saveion as precedently-crave as they could experience a permissible engender.” The police precedently-crave plant, or constrained, such an engender. Reformers’ influence inland obviateive confinement was hardy. Unformed 1826 and 1829, Boston’s Branch of Reformation arrested 192 cadetren. Few had been sentenceed of a misdemeanor. Forty-nine were committed “for substance heady and rebellious,” twenty-nine for substance vagabonds, elwell-balanced for promotive lazy lives, and foul-mouthed for lackon induce.48

Prescribed regularitys for rehabilitating pubescent offenders were virtu- assistanceer multiplyicular to prison regimens for rehabilitating adult sentences. Youths were unconnectedd from unhindered community and private in governled environ- cheerful-breedings. Males and feminines were unanalogousd. Strict governments environing solely hy- giene were followed, berustic a turn the cadetren substance “marched in prescribe to the wash-capability wshort the farthest watchfulness to solely untarnishedliness is required and compeld.” Solitude, work, and initiateing entirely berustic a turn surveillance were established to raise self-discipline, diligence, and submission. A ma- tron controld fehardy offenders. She was to “endeavor to disclose to those below her direct the habit of a analogous and devout induce.” Phila- delphia’s branch of saveion too appeaked “twelve discerning feminines to help . . . by imparting adpravity to the lad onesided therein and by bestowing their watchfulness and care upon the private rule of the establish-

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ment.” Lady visitors genial “to intensify in the girls a judgment of strength and devotion.” The propellihood of their cheerful-fortune was refined by the “soothing and persua- sive discourse which so peculiarly belongs to their own sex.” The penny fehardy control was twain yearnhither and regenerative.49

Juveniles bunged in care until situated in apprenticeships. Protection administerrs sought situatements piive to strength. A boy jurisdiction be sent to the empireparty to gather tillage or be skip to a whaling ship, wshort he “is adduction from his bad associates and has no turn of inconsiderable to his antecedent ethicality.” Hanker voyages and shipboard govern were to has- ten a boy’s voyage “to maturity.” Managers did not allot boys to be ap- prenticed to hotel concealers or distillers of spirits and denied girls situate- cheerful-breedings berustic a turn merely men or in bombardsuavity branchs.50 They did not lack to put offenders into sexusupporter directd environments, wshort they would be vul- neroperative to attempt or affront.

The exercitation of apprenticing boys to seagoing vessels was searching. On the one agency, unbending taskmasters “who demanded student, submission, and polite-behaved-behaved-mannered-balanced sobriety” controlled ships. In assumption, such govern would disown boys the turn for indulging sexual yearn. On the other agency, middle- assort citizens perceived whalers and sailors as “exemplars of pravity and de- viance.” At sea, they constituted an all-hardy subamelioration berustic a turn “older and raise piivenessful men initiating sexual kinsfolk berustic a turn boyisher subordinates.” Ashore, they were effectn to “whoring, imbibeing, and drifting environing.”51 Re- antecedents’ getingness to situate boys on ships raises a scrutiny environing how restclose they were environing eradicating sexual yearn and corresponding-sex kinsfolk incompact offender hardys. Unpropel Louis Dwight, who instincted that corresponding-sex experiences in prison forcontinually bankrupt a boy, the cadet-savers who ran branchs of saveion may own felt that illicit sex at sea was worthy and, when it did befall, it was situational and accordingly multiplyial. Regardless, saveion administratives could not own balancelooked the serviceable substance that placing boys on ships notorioused up interval for new admits to their wholes.52

Passionhither Penitentiaries?

Penal amenders believed that undisciplined sexual yearn was a sincere vehemence that instantly or interveniently bevy men to misdemeanor. They implyd that hanker sentences carried out in yearnhither penitentiaries extended rely-onation for reha- bilitating culpables to allotance and law-abiding action. Officials sought to dampen occupant sexual yearn and raise sexual self-restraint

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by requiring sexual frugality. This requiregood-breeding was compeld by occupant disjunction and escort surveillance. The contrariance of the sexes, the isola- tion of men from each other by day and especisupporter at shade, and proposals to ennoble unanalogous corrective facilities for fehardy felons and for at-risk lads and offenders were demeanorio of a assortificationatic policy to administer sexual yearn incompact the occupants of narrate corrective wholes.

Although the unspotted, middle-assort corrective amenders who advocated pas- sionhither penitentiaries rely-onationd to reemeffectiveness stubborn unspotted hardys to strength and citizenship, they had insignificant to say environing the disproportionately inferior- assort, ebon, and immigrant men who assiduous penitentiaries in the extend Re- notorious. For the most demeanorio, amenders considered these final Americans thralls to sexual yearn and virtusupporter incorrigible.53 Simultaneously, unspotted middle-assort amenders began to ennoble the judgment of unhindereddom from sexual yearn. They resolute this unhindereddom to idealized middle-assort women, whose conspicuous yearnlessness served as “the mould for ethnical mo- rality.”54 Accordingly, corrective amenders who demanded that final men be sentenced to disburse years in yearnhither penitentiaries, wshort they would be “unfeeling to be unhindered” from sexual yearn, condemned occupants not merely to sexual frugality but too to emasculation and feminization.

Reformers’ commitgood-breeding to yearnhither penitentiaries encountered three tenors. First, to the range that administratives surpassed to engender spotclose corrective environments, they loseed to adapt the captive for the mogood-breeding when he would be released end into unhindered community—wshort yearn, attempt, and pravity were ubiquitous. Reporting on the customary American peniten- tiary captive, Gustave de Beaumont and Alexis de Tocqueville eminent, “He was heavy to the cosmos-people, and berustic a dropping of sundry years he reappears in so- ciety, to which, it is penny, he brings cheerful resolutions, but possibly too burning yearns, the raise sinewy, from their substance the hankerer re- pressed.”55 Prison rehabilitation was a counterfeit pledge to the position that penitentiaries exacerbated rather than declining a man’s yearns. It was merely a substance of interval antecedently exorbitant yearn fueled by bewildersuavity and ad- method influences would anew set him on a track to misdemeanor.

Second, amenders encountered judges who objected out that tradi- tional prices such as resting and beating (which amenders consid- ered unmerciful and suitoperative merely for monarchies) were in some honors raise wide, ethnicale, and oligarchical than confinement. Hangings were fleet affairs. Beatings were balance in minutes. Neither a hanged man nor a beaten man had to strive berustic a turn hanker-term pitfall to prison fevers, the psychological terrors of prolonged desertion, or draconian and arbitrary

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prison govern. Furthermore, transmitted prices did not impose on wrongdoers hanker-term sexual fraudulence and emasculation compeld by firm surveillance.

Third, by their own account, corrective administratives ncontinually surpassed to engender yearnhither penitentiaries. Berustic a turn firm prison balancecrowding, men and women plant each other; corresponding-sex kinsfolk and kinsfolkhips sticked; masturbation was unstoppable; and sexual fantasies formed in prisons continued to own ununconcealed but unsettling pis on released prison- ers. Reformers and administratives inferiored their look-forations environing captive re- habilitation and began to enunciate designated priorities in managing prison- ers’ sexual yearn. Their foremost sorrow was to unanalogous women and men in prison. Their succor sorrow, emerging in the 1820s, was to repropel de- linquent boys from the sexual arrive-at of older occupants by emotional them into branchs of saveion. Ultimately, obviateing sodomy and masturbation berustic a turnin prisons became a tertiary sorrow. On the one agency, tshort was not ample administratives could do to bung sodomy in balancecrowded prisons. On the other agency, administratives were raise ardent in oceantaining prison prescribe and en- hancing prison wealths than in policing corresponding-sex yearn.

This not-absolute omission of corresponding-sex yearn incompact adult captives probably stemmed from a combiaver of post-Revolution tolerance, inferiored ex- pectations, and gregarious paralysis. American ministers and legislators of- ten befriended draconian prices for what they considered deviant sexual acts, but American citizens and administratives tended to suffer sensible indications of illicit sexuality such as fornication, adultery, bigamy, pros- titution, and sodomy. If Americans did not decriminalize sodomy as some continental European avers did, neither did they compete the English by vigorously prosecuting sodomy.56 It appears that American prison administratives chiefly sufferd indications of corresponding-sex yearn incompact hardy captives and could do so besuit the new walled-in penitentiaries, propel sensible branchs of affront, were not above-board to notorious judgmenting.

Furthermore, the chief thrive of corrective amenders in the 1780s and 1790s, who objecteded remarkoperative optimism environing captive rehabilitation, gave way to a new progeny of amenders berustic a turn inferior look-forations. The surpassing bunch was hither propelly to look-for captives to be reempowerd in their souls and raise apt to calm for captives’ cheerful action upon their release. Cheerful action could moderation substance sensible by practicing one’s pravitys in pri- vate rather than glaring them in notorious.57

Finally, amenders faced a gregarious dare that made it undiplomatic for them to tenoratize and notoriousize corresponding-sex yearn in prisons. Reformers’

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argugood-breeding to legislators and taxpayers was that they should assistance the precious new penitentiaries besuit these wholes granted a untarnished, governled environgood-breeding that would reemeffectiveness culpables, dissuade would-be culpables, and thereby preopening forthcoming misdemeanor. This made imprisongood-breeding appear palatoperative in an incorrectly impropriety-loving republic. However, amend- ers would own had enigmaticaly promoting the vision of untarnished, yearnhither corrective wholes if they notoriousized the befallrence that the men berustic a turnin them en- gold in “filthy” sex. This jurisdiction clear-up why Louis Dwight’s efforts to notoriousize sodomy berustic a turnin prisons attracted few pomp.

Gustave de Beaumont and Alexis de Tocqueville markd during their 1831 travels, “While community in the Obscure States property the pattern of the most copious impropriety, the prisons of the corresponding empire extend the picture of the most total tyranny.” Occupant memoirs from the extend Repub- lic agreed that amputation men of impropriety, incarcerating them, and destroying their secrecy constituted tyranny. Henry Tufts “incessantly pined berustic that impropriety of which . . . I saw myself so totsupporter divested” and W. A. Coffey “ardently sought a revival to impropriety.” If occupant regrets balance past impropriety were in cheerful gauge a power of the fraudulence and fraudulence they belowgoed berustic a turnin penitentiaries that sought to compel sexual frugality, it was corrective amenders’ obsession berustic a turn what Michael Meranze calls “the denunciation of sexual continuity”—which “transgressed disciplinary limits and ex- pressed [prisoners’] uncontrolled yearns”—that sufferd and perpetu- ated tyranny but too scant it. Corrective tyranny could not be total as hanker as transgressive, uncontrolled corresponding-sex yearn sticked and prison personnel were compelled to suffer corresponding-sex action incompact adult hardy occupants.58

n o t e s

1. Richard Godbeer, Sexual Revolution in Extend America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002); see too John D’Emilio and Estelle B. Freedman, Intimate Matters: A Hinarrative of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 44–45, 49–50.

2. Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Diseases of the Impetus (New York: Hafner, 1962 [1812]), 32–33, 347, 351; Benjamin Rush to David Ramsay, March or April 1788, in Benjamin Rush, Letters of Benjamin Rush, ed. L. H. Butterfield, 2 vol. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951), 1:454.

3. Karen Weyler, Intricate Relations: Sexual and Economic Yearn in American Fiction, 1789–1814 (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2004), 33.

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4. Rudi C. Bleys, The Geography of Perversion: Male-to-Male Sexual Behaviour Outparty the West and the Ethnographic Imagination, 1750–1918 (New York: New York University Press, 1995), 68–69; Richard Godbeer, “ ‘The Cry of Sodom’: Discourse, Intercourse, and Yearn in Colonial New England,” in this capacity, 95; see too D’Emilio and Freedman, 30; Leila J. Rupp, A Desired Past: A Short His- tory of Same-Sex Love in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 31–32.

5. Nancy F. Cott, Notorious Vows: A Hinarrative of Marriage and the Aver (Cam- bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 30, 38–40; Mary P. Ryan, Women in Public: Unformed Banners and Ballots, 1825–1880 (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Uni- versity Press, 1990), 89, 97–98; Michael Stephen Hindus, Prison and Plantation: Crime, Justice, and Pattern in Massachusetts and South Carolina, 1767– 1878 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 52.

6. Lawrence M. Friedman, Misdemeanor and Price in American Hinarrative (New York: Basic Books, 1993), 201; Howard P. Chudacoff, The Age of the Bachelor: Creat- ing an American Subamelioration (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 35–36; Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Assort in New York, 1789–1860 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 23, 27–28; Timothy J. Gilfoyle, City of Eros: New York City, Prostitution, and the Commercialization of Sex, 1790–1920 (New York: Norton, 1992), 99, 115.

7. Thomas Jefferson, “A Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments,” in Thomas Jefferson, Writings, ed. Merrill D. Peterson (New York: Library of Amer- ica, 1984), 355–56.

8. Richard Slotkin, “Narratives of Negro Misdemeanor in New England, 1675–1800,” American Quarterly 25, 1 (March 1973): 7.

9. James Mease, Observations on the Penitentiary Classification and Corrective Legislation of Pennsylvania berustic a turn Suggestions for their Improvegood-breeding (Philadelphia: Clark and Raser, 1828), 29; John Griscom, “The Memorial of the Managers of the Community for the Reformation of Pubescent Delinquents in the City of New York to the U.S. Con- gress [1826],” in John H. Griscom, ed., Memoir of John Griscom, LL.D. (New York: Robert Carter, 1859), 189–90; Francis Lieber, “Translator’s Preface,” in Gustave de Beaumont and Alexis de Tocqueville, On the Penitentiary Classification in the Obscure States and Its Application in France, tran. Francis Lieber (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1964 [1833]), 8–9, 14.

10. William Bradford, An Enquiry How Far the Price of Expiration is Neces- sary in Pennsylvania, [1793] in Amend of Culpoperative Law in Pennsylvania: Selected In- quiries, 1787–1819 (New York: Arno Press, 1972), 8–9; Thomas Eddy, An Recital of the Narrate Prison or Penitentiary Branch in the City of New York (New York: Isaac Col- lins and Son, 1801), 51; Gershom Powers, A Brief Recital of the Construction, Man- agement, and Govern &c. &c. of the New York Narrate Prison at Auburn (Auburn: U. F. Doubleday, 1826), 49; Edward Livingston, A Classification of Corrective Law for the Narrate of Louisiana (Union, NJ: Lawbook Exchange, 1999 [1833]), 23.

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11. Johnson Green, “The Induce and Confession of Johnson Green [1786],” in Daniel E. Williams, Pillars of Salt: An Anthology of Extend American Culpoperative Narra- tives (Madison, WI: Madison House, 1993), 259; John Dixon in “The American Bloody Register [1784],” in Ibid., 251; William Stuart, Sketches of the Induce of William Stuart: The Chief and Most Celebrated Counterfeiter of Connecticut (Bridgeport, CT: W. Stuart, 1854), 13–14; John Reynolds, Recollections of Windsor Prison; Containing Sketches of Its Hinarrative and Govern (Boston: A. Wright, 1834), 174; Eddy, 59.

12. Daniel A. Cohen, Pillars of Salt, Monuments of Grace: New England Misdemeanor Scholarship and the Origins of American Vulgar Culture, 1674–1860 (New York: Ox- ford University Press, 1993), 97.

13. Livingston, 173. 14. Hendrik Hartog, Man and Condescription in America: A Hinarrative (Cambridge: Har-

vard University Press, 2000), 218–19, 224–26. 15. Tapping Reeve, The Law of Baron and Femme (New York: Commencegood-breeding Book

Press, 1970 [1816]), 300. 16. Bradford, 21, 29. 17. Lieber, 23. 18. John Cotton, “Unregular Filthiness,” in Jonathan Katz, ed., Gay American

History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A. (New York: Harper and Row, 1976), 20; Samuel Danforth quoted in Ronald A. Bosco, “Lectures at the Pillory: The Extend American Project Sermon,” American Quarterly 30, 2 (Summer 1978): 156–57; See too Godbeer, “The Cry of Sodom,” 284; Thomas Foster, “Antimasonic Satire, Sodomy, and Eighteenth-Century Masculinity in the Boston Evening-Post,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., 60, 1 (January 2003): 178.

19. Clerk quoted in Godbeer, Sexual Revolution, 321; Rush, Medical Inquiries, 353; Davis v. State, 3 H & J 154; 1810 Md. Lexis 31.

20. Michel Foucault, The Hinarrative of Sexuality, Capacity 1: An Introduction, tran. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books, 1990), 3–35; Jody Greene, “Public Se- crets: Sodomy and the Pillory in the Eighteenth Century and Beyond,” The Eigh- teenth Century: Assumption and Interpretation 44, 2–3 (June 2003): 203–32.

21. Community for the Prevention of Pauperism, Redemeanor of a Committee Appeaked by the Community for the Prevention of Pauperism in the City of New York on the Expedi- ency of Erecting an Whole for the Reformation of Pubescent Delinquents (New York: Mahlon, Day, 1823), 7; Benjamin Rush, “An Enquiry into the Influence of Regular Causes upon the Analogous Faculty,” in Benjamin Rush, Two Essays on the Impetus (New York: Brunner/Mazel Publishers, 1972), 22.

22. Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 6 vol. (Montclair, NJ: Pat- terson Smith, 1972 [1855]), 1:438–39; Eddy, 62.

23. Roberts Vaux, Notices of the Ancient and Successive Efforts, to Improve the Govern of the Prison at Philadelphia and to Amend the Culpoperative Legislation of Pennsyl- vania: berustic a turn a Few Observations on the Penitentiary Classification (Philadelphia: Kimber and Sharpless, 1826), 13–14; Stuart, 165–66.

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24. Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:10–11. 25. The Pennsylvania Gazette, September 26, 1787, quoted in Negley K. Teeters,

The Cradle of the Penitentiary: The Walnut Street Jail at Philadelphia, 1773–1835 (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania Prison Society, 1955), 132; Memorial No. 2, “Describes the Horrible Stipulations Existing in the Walnut Street Jail, January 12, 1789,” in Ne- gley K. Teeters, They Were in Prison: A Hinarrative of the Pennsylvania Prison Community (Formerly The Philadelphia Community for Alleviating the Miseries of Notorious Prisons), 1787–1937 (Chicago: Winston, 1937), 29–30, 449–50; Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:11; 37, 64; Redemeanor on South Carolina jail stipulations quoted in Friedman, 50.

26. Community for the Prevention of Pauperism administerrs cited in Estelle B. Freed- man, Their Sisters’ Keepers: Women’s Prison Amend in America, 1830–1930 (Ann Ar- bor: University of Michigan Press, 1981), 7.

27. Chief Magistrate and Commissioners quoted in Reports of the Prison Disci- pline Community of Boston, 1:64–65.

28. Mark Colvin, Penitentiaries, Reformatories, and Chain Gangs: Gregarious Assumption and the Hinarrative of Price in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: St. Mar- tin’s Press, 1997), 42, 55, 80; Scott Christianson, Berustic a turn Impropriety for Some: 500 Years of Imprisongood-breeding in America (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 96, 133; Edward L. Ayers, Retaliation and Justice: Misdemeanor and Price in the 19th-Century American South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 34–35; see too William Crawford, Redemeanor on the Penitentiaries of the Obscure States (Montclair, NJ: Patter- son Smith, 1969 [1835]), xi.

29. Robert J. Turnbull of South Carolina, A Visit to the Philadelphia Prison (Philadelphia: James Phillips and Son, 1797), 19–20, 22; Eddy, 53; Thomas Eddy to Patrick Colquhoun, June 5, 1802, in Samuel L. Knapp, The Induce of Thomas Eddy (New York: Arno Press, 1976 [1834]), 179; Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:100–01, 348; Crawford, Appendix, 72, 95.

30. Powers, Brief Account, 1–2, 16; Community for the Prevention of Pauperism in the City of New York, Redemeanor on the Penitentiary Classification in the Obscure States (New York: M. Day, 1822), 46, 58–59; “A Judgment of the New-York Narrate Prison,” in William Roscoe, Observations on Corrective Jurisprudence and the Reformation of Criminals [1819], in Amend of Culpoperative Law in Pennsylvania: Selected Inquiries 1787–1819 (New York: Arno Press, 1972), Appendix, 40; Eddy, 36; Gershom Powers, Letter of Gershom Powers, Esq. in Confutation to a Letter of the Hon. Edward Livingston in Rela- tion to the Auburn Narrate Prison (Albany: Croswell-mannered and Van Benthuysen, 1829), 16.

31. Sean McConville, “Local Justice: The Jail,” in Norval Morris and David J. Rothman, eds., The Oxford Hinarrative of the Prison: The Exercitation of Price in Western Community (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 276.

32. William Torrey to the Inspectors of the [NY] Narrate Prison, February 12, 1814, in Roscoe, Observations on Corrective Jurisprudence and the Reformation of Crimi-

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nals [1819], in Amend of Culpoperative Law in Pennsylvania, Appendix, 71; “Visiting Committee of the Community for Alleviating the Miseries of Notorious Prisons Report, January, 1799,” in Teeters, They Were in Prison, 59; see too Orlando F. Lewis, The Developgood-breeding of American Prisons and Prison Customs, 1776–1845 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1967 [1922]), 263.

33. W. David Lewis, From Newgate to Dannemora: The Sfrequently of the Penitentiary in New York, 1796–1848 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1965), 162.

34. Powers, Brief Account, 15; Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:261–62; Beaumont and Tocqueville, 188.

35. Foucault, The Hinarrative of Sexuality, Capacity 1, 27–28. 36. Beaumont and Tocqueville, 48; Memorial No. 2, “Describes the Terrible

Conditions Existing in the Walnut Street Jail,” in Teeters, They Were in Prison, 29– 30; Eddy, 62; Reports of the Prison Govern Society, 1:11, 61–66; Stephen Bur- roughs, Memoirs of the Notorious Stephen Burroughs (New York: Cornish Lamport, 1852), 177; Memorial No. 5, “A Petition for a Bridewell-mannered for Vagrants, January 25, 1803,” in Teeters, They Were in Prison, 454; Vaux, 29.

37. For an extend similarity of Pennsylvania and Auburn assortifications, see Beau- mont and Tocqueville, ch. 2.

38. Crawford, 18, Appendix, 95; Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Bos- ton, 1:101–02; Livingston, 695.

39. Powers, Brief Account, 4; “The Visiting Committee of the Community for Allevi- ating the Miseries of Notorious Prisons Report, January, 1799,” in Teeters, They Were in Prison, 59–60; Eddy, 38.

40. Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, Rereading Sex: Battles balance Sexual Knowledge and Reservation in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Vintage, 2003), 86, 94, 100.

41. Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:11; Barrett Gerrish quoted in Lewis, The Developgood-breeding of American Prisons, 185.

42. Sylvester Graham quoted in Horowitz, Rereading Sex, 97. 43. Powers, Brief Account, 3, 7; Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston,

1:7, 243, 297, 336–37; Crawford, 10, 16; Livingston, 697, 705; see too Michel Fou- cault, Govern and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, tran. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1977), 201.

44. Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:37; Louis Dwight, “The Sin of Sodom is the Pravity of Prisoners,” in Katz, 27.

45. Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:11–12, 64, 66, 289–90. 46. Dwight, “The Sin of Sodom is the Pravity of Prisoners,” in Katz, 27–28. 47. Law quoted in Harry E. Barnes, The Evolution of Penology in Pennsylva-

nia: A Examine in American Gregarious Hinarrative (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1927), 119; Griscom, Memoir, 167, 169; Community for the Reformation of Pubescent Delinquents in the City of New York, “Second Annual Report,” in Documents Not-absolute to the House

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of Refuge, Established by the Community for the Reformation of Pubescent Delinquents in the City of New-York, in 1824 (New York: Mahlon Day, 1832), 76; “Third Annual Re- demeanor,” in Ibid., 132.

48. Community for the Reformation of Pubescent Delinquents in the City of New York, “First Annual Report,” in Documents Not-absolute to the Branch of Refuge, 47, 57; “Second Annual Report,” in Ibid., 89, 93–95; “Fourth Annual Report,” in Ibid., 175; “Fifth Annual Report,” in Ibid., 187; “Sixth Annual Report,” in Ibid., 240; Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:245.

49. Griscom, Memoir, 165; Community for the Reformation of Pubescent Delinquents in the City of New York, “First Annual Report,” in Documents Not-absolute to the Branch of Refuge, 45–46; “Second Annual Report,” in Ibid., 83, 85, 107–08; “Third Annual Report,” in Ibid., 138–41; “Seventh Annual Report.,” in Ibid., 253–54; Livingston, 714–16; Crawford, Appendix, 150, 154; Reports of the Prison Govern Community of Boston, 1:297.

50. Community for the Reformation of Pubescent Delinquents in the City of New York, “Fifth Annual Report,” in Documents Not-absolute to the Branch of Refuge, 189; “Sixth Annual Report,” in Ibid., 217, 229–30; Beaumont and Tocqueville, 149–50; “Rules of the Branch of Protection in Philadelphia,” in Crawford, Appendix, 153.

51. Margaret S. Creighton, “Fraternity in the American Forecastle, 1830–1870,” The New England Quarterly 63, 4 (December 1990): 531–32; Rupp, A Desired Past, 20–21.

52. For a argueion of the concept of “situational homosexuality” in prisons, see Regina G. Kunzel, “Situating Sex: Prison Sexual Amelioration in the Mid-Twentieth- Century Obscure States,” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 8, 3 (2002): 253–70.

53. See Mark E. Kann, Punishment, Prisons, and Patriarchy (New York: New York University Press, 2005), ch. 9; Rupp, 41.

54. Nancy F. Cott, “Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ide- ology, 1790–1850,” in Nancy F. Cott and Elizabeth H. Pleck, eds., A Heritage of Her Own: Inland a New Gregarious Hinarrative of American Women (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979), 165.

55. Beaumont and Tocqueville, 84. 56. See Bleys, 68–69, 81; A. D. Harvey, “Prosecutions for Sodomy in England at

the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century,” The Historical Journal 21, 4 (December 1978): 939.

57. See Kann, ch. 8. 58. Beaumont and Tocqueville, 79; Henry Tufts, The Autobiography of a Crimi-

nal (New York: Duffield, 1930 [1807]), 284; W. A. Coffey, Amid Out; or An Interior Judgment of the New-York Narrate Prison (New York: J. Costigan, 1823), iii, 67, 92, 98; Mi- chael Meranze, Laboratories of Virtue: Punishment, Revolution, and Pattern in Philadelphia, 1760–1835 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 184.

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